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August 15 Revolution: A Perspective

The political changeover on August 15, 1975 in which the BAKSALite autocratic regime of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in Bangladesh was removed, had been widely hailed by the nation and highly acclaimed abroad. For reference, one may open the newspapers and other media materials of the time, both local and international. The international community, including India, the Soviet Union and the US, immediately recognized the new administration under President Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed. Saudi Arabia and China accorded their recognition to Bangladesh for the first time.

Unfortunately, Sheikh Mujib and a few members of his family and relatives died in the short military action in the early hours on August 15, 1975. Those could be termed as circumstantial deaths, and certainly not ‘killing’, as some people might like to coin the event.

All deaths, whichever manner they occur, are sad and regrettable. Bangladesh has always been a fertile ground for unnatural deaths. Political violence, political elimination, death under custody and death in various operations by law enforcement agencies are common. Bangladeshis are also quite familiar with road and riverine accidents, natural disasters which claim lives in thousands every year. Please read annual Amnesty International reports and country papers on Bangladesh by various foreign countries to ascertain the facts. Amidst such a scenario, as remarked by a foreign judge, death of 22 persons in a historic political change is not significant.

Some pro-Awami/Baksalis argue it was not the death of any ordinary man; it was the death of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. While others complained, agreed Sheikh was a dictator and perhaps deserved punishment but what about the rest that included pregnant women and 10-year old Russell? Yes, one definitely feels sympathetic to such views. As said earlier, all deaths are regrettable irrespective of the person/s involved! At the same time, it may be noted that Sheikh Mujib’s blood is no thicker than that of Siraj Sikdar or thousand others who were victims under his heavy hands.

One local commentator once put it differently: If those few deaths did not take place on August 15, there would have been additional deaths/murders in thousands in the hands of BAKSALite agents subsequently. Dare to count the toll to date, had there not been August 15?

After Sheikh Hasina Wazed, daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, became prime minister in 1996, she orchestrated a kind of kangaroo trial for the ‘killers’ of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and arranged a verdict of firing squads for the ‘killers’. The case is in the final stage of review by the Appellate Division. According to the scenario projected during the trial, a band of disgruntled army officers raided the house of Sheikh Mujib and others on August 15, 1975 and indiscriminately killed anybody they found on their way, without rime or reason. What a story!!!

Before the 1991 elections, Sheikh Hasina was sure that Awami League would sweep and she would become the next president/prime minister. According to a senior military intelligence officer, Hasina was already behaving like the next chief executive. She said to the officer that she had only two objectives to accomplish when she would be in power: i) rehabilitate her father’s image and ii) avenge her father’s death. To her utter disappointment, voters did not choose her party; they chose BNP instead in the 1991 elections. However, when she finally managed to manipulate a power-grab 5 years later, she tried to accomplish only those two things.

Questions to the Nation

First of all, why would the army officers go and make presidential residence a killing field? If killing was their passion, why they had to make Sheikh Mujib’s place the choice? Was Sheikh their rival in any equation? Was there anything personal between Sheikh Mujib and the army officers?

Was power-grab the objective of August 15? Then why didn’t they take over the statecraft after the coup? They were not seen in any leadership position in the post-Mujib administration. Why?

Some people would like to suggest that it was the pro-Pakistani defeated force of 1971 that ‘killed’ Sheikh Mujib with a view to crushing the spirit of independence. For those who harbor that view, it may be mentioned that most of the officers that participated in the August 15 revolution were highly decorated freedom fighters, and almost all of them passed through a perilous journey from the western part of Pakistan to join the liberation war in Bangladesh in1971, leaving their lucrative military positions in the Pakistan Army. Unlike their freedom fighter colleagues who were based in then East Pakistan and were somewhat forced to defect and take up arms against Pakistanis, these officers were truly imbued with the liberation spirit and were determined to take all risks to join the war efforts. No wonder when the newly born Bangladesh was being plundered and ruined by Awamis and BAKSALite, these were the officers who felt the pinch the most and responded to the national desire for its salvation.

It is undeniable that Sheikh Mujib had great contributions towards generation of the spirit of independence amongst the people of then East Pakistan. Unfortunately, however, his ability to translate his vision, whatever that was, into reality seemed to have been lost in independent Bangladesh. Surrounded by sycophants, he and his cronies started thinking the new country as their personal property and could do anything with it. As such, the war devastated nation was plunging deeper and deeper into a chaotic abyss. Hardly anything was working under his administration. Observers reached a reality conclusion: Sheikh was perhaps successful, albeit circumstantially, as a stage politician but a miserable failure as a statesman and administrator.

Few leaders in history received so much love as did Sheikh Mujib when he returned to independent Bangladesh in January 1972. But, within a span of 3 years, he turned out to be the most hated character in the country. The reasons are not far to seek.

Rakkhi Bahini

First of all, Mujib sidelined the contribution of the military in the Liberation War. He credited the independence to his Awami leadership and India. The big neighbor did support and extend material help for the Mukti Bahini but not without self interest. Sheikh Mujib never felt at ease with Ziaur Rahman who had the ‘audacity’ to declare independence on March 26/27, 1971 at Chittagong radio station, thus stealing the show. As a punishment, Zia was superseded and his junior K M Safiullah, a docile yes-man, was made the army chief. Many in the military believed that General M A G Osmany, a superseded and retired Colonel of Pakistan army, may have played a role in this arrangement. Osmany was the wartime C-in-C of Mukti Bahini and never had much love lost for Zia, the war hero.

Again, to minimize the importance and influence of army, Mujib created the all-powerful Rakkhi Bahini under his personal command. It was a parallel army, equipped and trained by India, used mainly to eliminate political opponents of any kind. Stories of terror tactics and atrocities committed by this quasi-military force still haunt the public. Thousands lost their lives in its heavy hands. Additionally, there were Lal Bahini, Sabuj Bahini, Mujib Bahini, and Awami Sechha Sebak Bahini with similar missions in the industries, academics and social sectors. A S M Abdur Rab said that 40 thousand of his Jatiya Samajtanric Dal cadres were killed by these forces. The late Eanyetullah Khan of Holiday put the total political deaths at 35 thousand under the Sheikh’s rule. Wives were not sure if their husbands would return after the day’s work, parents were worried everyday till their children returned home from schools/colleges. That was the safety and security situation during the ‘Golden Period’ of Mujib!!

Man-Made Famine

Adults of the time can recall the horrific scenes of the 1974/75 flood, and the man-made famine that followed. There was no shortage of relief material, yet hardly anything reached the needy. These were hoarded in the personal go-downs of the Awami leaders and selectively used for political purpose while much of those were sold in the black markets in and outside the border. Dhaka City Awami League chief Ghazi Ghulam Mustafa had the largest such go-down on record and went by the nick name ‘Kombol Chor’ (blanket thief). Almost half a million people lost their lives for want of food, clothing and shelter. Roads and waterways were littered with dead bodies. Burials, whenever possible, were mostly done without the minimal religious rites. Men and animals fighting for eatables in the garbage were common sights. One may revisit the Dhaka and other city streets of those days to recall the situation.

Those facts were no fictional inventions. Those who did not have the fortune or misfortune to witness the situation may review any local or international news material of the time to ascertain the facts. Bhasani’s Haq Katha, Holiday, Jankantha etc managed to depict the dismal pictures around the time, of course, in a limited scale due to strict government censorship. The New York Times of December 11, 1974, Washington Post of November 8, 1974 had articles on print.

Emergency

Emergency was clamped in December 1974. All political activities banned. All but 4 government controlled newspapers were closed. Fundamental rights were suspended. Anyone not towing the Awami line was either jailed or eliminated. No criticism of Sheikh or his administration was tolerated. Siraj Sikdar’s case was a point in evidence. In an apparent admission to the killing, Sheikh Mujib bragged on the parliament’s floor, “Kothay akhon Siraj Sikdar (Where is Siraj Sikdar now)………?”

The death nail on the nascent Bangladeshi democracy came when Sheikh Mujib scrapped the parliamentary system and appointed himself the all powerful president, ousting poor Mohammad Ullah, without any debate. He also designated himself the ‘father of the nation’. Thus, Sheikh Mujib became the powerful dictator, concentrating all state powers in his hands. See New York Times of January 26, 1975. That was democracy and freedom under Sheikh Mujib!!

One Party State

Sheikh Mujib created one-party state in a Russian style by forming BAKSAL-- Bangladesh Krisak Sramik Awami League-- virtually an extension of Awami exclusivity, to ensure none to claim the national authority and resources. He politicized the bureaucracy and military by forcing them to join Baksal. Country was divided into 61 districts with Baksali governors and politicians chosen to administer them according to Baksali style, to start on September 1, 1975.

It was also rumored that Sheikh Mujib was to be declared ‘President for Life’, an initiative to which was to start at the Chatra League convention at the Dhaka university scheduled on August 15, 1975. It was only a matter of formalization subsequently.

Country’s economic and social fabric totally collapsed. People were groaning under a suffocating situation. They wanted a regime change immediately. Patriotic elements of the defense forces were the only hope.

Here is an analogy to Sheikh’s dictatorship. Japan always harbored a desire to be an imperial power like the British, French, and Dutch etc. With the outbreak of WWII, it saw an opportunity to fulfill its dream and joined then axis forces of Hitler’s Germany. Within four years, it occupied most of Southeast Asia, including eastern part of China, Mongolia and Korea. Since it lacked experience as a colonial administrator, Japan turned out to be one of the worst foreign rulers in occupied lands. People in China, Korea, Malaysia, Singapore and Myanmar (Burma) still shudder to think of the Japanese atrocities committed in those 4 years. By all accounts, Mujib lacked the intelligence and competence to be a successful dictator. So he turned out to be the worst!!
Reportedly, Sheikh became so apprehensive of the public disapproval towards his popularity and administration that he feared political upheavals, even a military coup, anytime. To counter such possible situation, he had a secret understanding with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to call for Indian military intervention. Such request could be made by only three persons: Sheikh himself, his nephew Sheikh Moni and his brother-in-law Abdur Rab Serniabat. A leader that the Sheikh was!!

Alternatives for Political Change

Was there an alternative to change the government? The answer was a simple no. Constitutional ways to change the government were elections or by parliamentary vote of no confidence. Those who lived in Bangladesh in those days and understood the situation properly would vouch that these methods were virtually sealed and unthinkable under the autocracy of Sheikh Mujib.

The Parliament was a mere rubber stamp, it had no authority. Saving two souls (General MAG Osmany and Barrister Moinul Hossain), none dared to oppose when Sheikh Mujib made the 4th Amendment in the constitution in ten minutes in January 1975, changing to presidential form and appointing him the president and father of the nation.

Post August 15

Those who lived in Dhaka and Bangladesh on the day must have a vivid idea of the scenario following the news that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had been ousted. The joy of the people was comparable to the Victory Day on December 16, 1971. People heaved a sigh of relief, they were saved, and they were rescued out of a groaning and agonizing situation.

We Muslims say “Innalillahi wa …….Rajeoon” upon hearing the death of any fellow Muslim irrespective of the relationship or how bad the dead person has been in life. Has anyone heard the word ‘Innalillah……….’ upon hearing Sheikh Mujib’s death? None that I know of, rather we heard the word ‘Alhamdulillah!’

Assuming that the August 15 coup was executed by a small group of army officers and men and the rest of the armed forces were not involved. The question is: What were the chiefs of army, navy, air force, BDR, JRB (Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini), police and their powerful intelligence agencies were doing at that time? Upon hearing the coup and death of Sheikh Mujib, why didn’t they rush to the scene and crush that small group? Was it difficult to do that? What prevented them from doing so? Doesn’t it demonstrate that they all had the silent blessings for the coup, even though they themselves could not be part of it? In fact, they rushed and fell head over heels to present themselves before the new president and declare their open support and allegiance to him.

Reportedly, when Brigadier Khaled Musharraf, the army Chief of General Staff, heard that main guns of the tanks taken out on the morning of the coup did not have shells, he immediately ordered shells to be issued to the tanks. Why did he do that, if he or other senior commanders did not support the coup?

Even after the coup, the parliament remained operative. Within a few days, a special session of parliament took place at Bangabhaban. Speakers one after another hailed the leadership change and extended their unqualified support to President Khandakar Mushtaq and his administration.

As mentioned earlier, none of the revolutionary officers who led the coup on August 15, 1975 took any leadership position. It was a unique deviation from coups around the world where the coup leaders usually assumed the administrative responsibility themselves, eliminating all pockets of dissention and rivalry. Reportedly, army chief Safiullah suggested that all the August revolutionary majors be promoted to brigadiers. The coup leaders politely declined, saying they accomplished a national responsibility and peoples’ happiness and blessings were their reward.

Another unique feature of the August 15 revolution was that the political and military hierarchy has not been disturbed. Immediately after completion of their mission, the revolutionary officers entrusted the responsibility of running the country to the elected representatives, while military commanders continued at their respective positions. The new cabinet of president Mushtaq, formed the same day, was composed entirely of the elected representatives of Awami League.

In Perspective

We are living in 2008, in a better socio-economic environment and relatively democratic atmosphere. It is perhaps easy to look at the things of 1970s of Bangladesh differently. Besides, many of us who seem to be critical of the August 15 Revolution did not have the opportunity to understand and experience the birth pangs of the liberation war, did not see what the nation had gone through at that time, and fortunately for them, they did not have to undergo the rigors of Sheikh Mujib’s misrule during his so called ‘Golden Period’ from 1972 to 1975. The generation in their 40s and under; needs to know more about the Bangladesh of that ‘Golden Period’.

To visualize the situation of Bangladesh of early 1970s, one needed to go back in time and then judge why August 15 was needed. And, if there was no August 15, what would have happened to the poor Bangladesh as a nation. Please read “Indemnity Rohit Kar Sarthey?” by M. M Azizul Haq published in the daily Inquilab on November 1, 1991. It details the circumstances that led to the coup on August 15, 1975, as well as the possible scenario had there not been the coup.

The country may not be any better today, yet it does not have the BAKSALite destructive regime, it does not have a one-party, one-man dictatorship. People can at least talk and write freely today.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was one of the greatest leaders of Bangladesh, one of its founding fathers. At the same time, we can not ignore the contributions of other great leaders like Sher-e-Bangla A K Fazlul Haq, Shaheed Sohrawardy, Maulana Bhashani and others. We can not also ignore the great leaderships provided and unmatched contributions made by Tajuddin Ahmed and Ziaur Rahman during the liberation war and afterwards.

Sheikh Mujib’s and others perhaps did not have to die the way they did on August 15, 1975. Those deaths of the day are certainly regretted. But, the question is: was the death intended? Only those who planned the coup and those who were at the scene can explain that. According to reports, there were casualties on both sides. In an interview with Anthony Mascarenhas, Col Khandakar Abdur Rashid, one of the coup leaders, said that Sheikh Kamal had a sten gun with him when he died. Sheikh Jamal and rest of the family members were huddled in a room. When they declined to come out, despite repeated warnings, the angry soldiers lobbed in a few grenades.

At the same time, let us not forget the tens of thousands that perished under heavy hands of Mujib. Among those victims there were children and women too. If there were no August 15, 1975, there would have been many, many more deaths subsequently.

Since August 15, 1975 many monsoon floods had washed Bangladesh, many heroes and warriors traversed its capital, the public minds and perception underwent changes too.

But the bottom line: To understand and judge August 15, one must go back to pre-August 1975 scenario of Bangladesh.

Lt.Col. Rashed Choudhury
Dec, 08